3.1) Zionist Position in 1914.
At the outbreak of the World War in 1914, World Jewry was divided in two parts—i.e., Zionists and non- or anti-Zionists. The former, from the inception of the movement in 1882 and its official foundation in 1897, held to the creed of Jewish nationalism and the erection of a Jewish State in Palestine; the non- or anti-Zionists were opposed to the idea of Jewish nationalism, but believed in gaining power in every land of Diaspora (Dispersion) through the strength of their local and international central organised communities or Kehillahs.
Zionist strength lay in Russia, Poland, Austria and Germany. Numerically it was not strong in America, but its leaders, such as Louis D. Brandeis, Julian Mack, and Felix Frankfurter held important positions.
Financially, the Rothschild interests were on the Zionist side, whereas German-American banking houses like Kuhn Loeb, in America, favoured the non-Zionist Jewish element. Thus, although united against the Tzarist regime, the Jews were divided among themselves.
In 1915 the British Government enlisted the aid of the Arabs against Turkey on the promise that, if victorious, they guaranteed them the independence of their country, then under Turkish rule, and of which Palestine and Syria were but parts. Unknown to the Arabs, the French and English had also entered into the secret agreement, known as the Sykes-Picot pact, whereby Palestine was to be divided, the northern part going to France, the southern to England. As Mr. S. Landman quite correctly remarks, " In this pact there is no suggestion of any Jewish interest in Palestine."
Having been private secretary to Nahum Sokolow and to the World Zionist Organisation, Mr. Landman’s information is first hand, and in articles in World Jewry February 22 and March 1, 1935, he reveals tile following facts:-
In the Summer of 1916 conversations took place between Sir Mark Sykes, then Under-Secretary of the War Cabinet (with Amery and Ormsby Gore), and Mr. James Malcolm. Sir Mark spoke of his inability to obtain the help of the United States against Germany, and how the efforts of both the French and Italian Governments for the same purpose had been in vain. He also added that "the leaders of Angle-Jewry, lay and clerical, whom he had seen did not seem able to give him effective help." (The leaders referred to were the Board of Deputies, Joint Foreign Committee, and the Anglo-Jewish Association.) It was then that James Malcolm, who apparently knew a great deal more than the British Secretary of War and the whole Cabinet put together, replied that there was one way and one only, and is quoted by Mr. Landman as saying to Sir Mark Sykes :
"You are going the wrong way about it. The well-to-do English Jew you meet and the Jewish clergy are not the real leaders of the Jewish people. You have forgotten the existence of the principle of nationality. . . . Do you know of the Zionist movement ?"
Sir Mark Sykes did not—he confessed his ignorance. But he learned a lot when James Malcolm told him that " You can win the sympathy of the Jews everywhere in one way only, and that way is by offering to try and secure Palestine for them.
To make a long story short, Sir Mark Sykes took the advice most seriously, went to Lord Milner, "a very influential member of the War Cabinet," wheref rom the assurance was sought that Palestine would be secured for the Jews in return for their help. In that case " it was certain that Jews in all neutral countries, especially in the United States, would become pro-British and pro-Ally."
With the signed treaty passed with the Arabs in 1915 and the Sykes-Picot agreement between Great Britain and France also duly signed, both of them standing in the diplomatic background, the British Cabinet was in a quandary. It is true that as all this was taking place in the era of " scraps of paper," the decision to scrap two more treaties did not weigh heavy in the balance, so the Cabinet could not give any definite promise but advised Malcolm to open negotiations with the Zionist leaders !" This, Malcolm said, was impossible, " as he could not go to them empty handed."
The narrative does not say what was expected to be put in those empty hands. However, it had to be something that would convince Malcolm himself of the " sincerity of the Cabinet’s intentions, so that he could go to the Zionists and say : ‘ If you help the Allies, you will have the support of the British in securing Palestine for the Jews.’ "
There followed lengthy arguments between Sit Mark Sykes and Malcolm and between the former and the Cabinet (Milner Grey, and Balfour) who "were already convinced that the idea of Palestine for the Jews was just and right."
The swiftness with which this trio of so-called " statesmen " were convinced of this particular idea partakes of the unreal. The rapid and unanimous conclusion that the treaty with the Arabs, who were then fighting with the British, was but a scrap of paper, reminds one of Cagliostro’s amazing mind control .
Then followed a series of what, in the ordinary course of life, would be termed small incidents; for instance, a letter from Malcolm to Leopold J. Greenberg, then editor of the Jewish Chronicle, saying the time had cone for Jewry to cease to be anti-Russian and pro-German, and to come definitely on the side of the Allies ;" also a meeting between Greenberg and Malcolm, followed by one between Sir Mark Sykes and the Zionist leaders, Sokolow, Tchlenow, and Weizmann. " In this way," writes S. Landman, " the Zionist leaders were first brought into contact with the British War Cabinet."
But apart from this, let it be remembered that Dr. Chaim Weizmann was already in close contact with Lloyd George, Minister of Munitions, and Mr. Arthur Balfour, First Lord of the Admiralty.
More conversations took place between Sir Mark Sykes, Dr. Weizmann, Nahum Sokolow, all " with the full knowledge and approval of Sir Maurice Hankey, the Secretary of War Cabinet." One is forcibly struck by the extraordinary gift of persuasion with which Mr. MalcoIm is undoubtedly endowed, for, where others, including Chaim Weizmann himself, had signally failed, he succeeded every time. He acknowledges that he owed part of his success to Mr. G. A. Fitzmaurice, a Roman Catholic, "who helped to open for Sokolow the doors of the Vatican."
To facilitate all communications between the Government and the Zionists, Nahum Sokolow tells in his book, " History of Zionism," how he shared Sir Mark Sykes’s office in the Foreign Office. It was an initial step to giving later all the Government offices to Zionism.
From S. Landman’s revelations, it is known that " after an understanding had been arrived at between Sir Mark Sykes, Weizmann, and Sokolow, it was resolved to send a secret message to Justice Brandeis that the British Cabinet would help the Jews to gain Palestine in return for active Jewish sympathy and support in the U.S.A. for the -allied cause, so as to bring about a radical pro-Ally tendency in the United States, This message was sent in cypher through the Foreign Office. One of the principal Under-Secretaries at that time was Sir Ronald Graham. He was in the confidence of Sir Mark Sykes, and during the whole time he was at the Foreign Office he was of unfailing help to the Zionists. Secret messages were also sent to- the Zionist leaders in Russia ... and to Jewish leaders in neutral countries, and the result was to strengthen the pro-Ally sympathies of Jews everywhere.
Small incidents throw also a peculiar light on Zionist power in official circles. For instance, Mr. Landman tells how " through General Macdonogh who was won over by Fitzmaurice, Dr. Weizmann was able, about this time, to secure from the Government the service of half a dozen younger Zionists for active work on behalf of Zionism. At that time conscription was in force, and only those who were engaged in work of national importance could be released from active service at the front I remember DR Weizmann writing a letter to General Macdonogh and invoking his assistance in obtaining the exemption from active service of Leon Simon, Harry Sacher, Simon Riarks, Hyamson, Tolkowsky, and myself . . . ."
" From that time onwards for several years Zionism was considered an ally of the British Government, and every help and assistance was forthcoming from each Government department. Passport or travel difficulties did not exist when a man was recommended by our office. For instance, a certificate signed by me (Landman) was accepted by the Home Office at that time as evidence that a Ottoman Jew was to be treated as a friendly alien and not as an enemy. . . ."
This latter statement is corroborated by Nahum Sokolow in " History of Zionism " (Vol. II., p. 33), when he explains that Oriental Jews, being Turkish subjects were under the law regarded as alien enemies, but they were only technically such. In other words, Jews who were Turkish subjects, claiming Turkish nationality and privileges, were only technically Turks. This is a statement of the greatest Importance and which demands a logical corollary that technical nation0lity or technical citizenship should be defined by law, and rights and privileges to natives or naturalised citizens granted accordingly.
To follow briefly the steps leading to the Balfour Declaration on February 7, 1917, a political meeting took place at the house of the Rabbi Dr. Moses Gaster. Nahum Sokolow refers to this date as " constituting a turning point in the history." The following people attended this meeting : Lord Rothschild, Mr. Herbert Bentwich, Mr. Joseph Cowen Mr. James de Rothschild, Mr. Harry Sacher, Sir Herbert Samuel, Chaim Weizmann, Nahum Sokolow, Tchlenow, and, of course, Sir Mark Sykes. Immediately after the meeting the Zionist Political Committee was formed with Asher Ginzberg, Leopold Kessler, Joseph Cowen, Herbert Bentwich, Albert Hyamson, Simon Marks, Israel Moses Sieff, Leon Simon, M. Ettinger, M. Tollrowsky, Chaim Weizmann, and Nahum Sokolow.
The wording of the famous Declaration was decided upon by those Zionists themselves, the exchange of views taking place between London and New York. The foremost Zionist, Asher Ginzberg, was the oracle. However, the tone of his and Brandeis’s concoction destined to become an official British document, had to be watered down. That is a story in itself.
To sum up, President Wilson, under the complete influence of Justice Brandeis, and living under the terror of having some of his private life affairs made public, gave in all along the line and brought out the famous slogans : " War to end war," and " Make the world safe for Democracy," the term " democracy’’ conveniently being substituted to the word Zionism.’’
France and Italy plus the Vatican were rapidly brought to heel, they had no choice in the matter, with Nahum Sokolow Zionist Foreign Affairs Minister, at large.
The end of the Monarchy was brought about by the Russian Revolution skillfully fomented and managed by the Zionists. They had made elaborate plans for it, and to quote a Zionist, Leo Motzkin, "the general Zionist Organisation had sanctioned participation in the revolutionary movement as early as the summer of 1905, in the course of the 7th Zionist Congress, and at its Helsingfors Conference in the fall of 1906 adopted a platform to that effect." (Menorah, 1917,p.216.)
Dr. Chaim Weizmann and Boruchow took the chief part in discussing the Russian Revolution at that particular Congress.
The downfall of Russia followed swiftly upon the fateful political meeting of February 7, 1917 at Rabbi Gaster’s house. It must have been one of the things which was put in one of the empty hands of the negotiator. In that case the abominable part played by the British Ambassador, Sir G. Buchanan at the time of the Revolution, takes on a special colouring. It explains also the ultimatum given to the Tzar by the members of the Allied Military Commission in January, 1917. One of the points was that Jewish civil disabilities be removed.
On November 2, 1917, the Balfour Declaration was proclaimed in the following words :
Foreign Office,
November 2nd, 1917
" Dear Lord Rothschild,
I have much pleasure in conveying to you on behalf of His Majesty’s Government the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations, which has been submitted to and approved by the Cabinet
His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federatio
Yours sincerely,
ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR."
What filled the other empty and outstretched hand was the defeat of Germany. At the outset of the war, the Kaiser, ruled by the Zionist, Albert Ballin, practically left the war intelligence service in his hands. The Transfer Department and the numerous so-called benevolent religious international Zionist and other Jewish societies were admirably designed to act as international channels of information. At first they worked for the benefit of Germany to the detriment of the Allies. Ballin and Rathenau were in clover. Then came the Zionist volte-face, and all turned against Germany. Ballin ended his own life, the Kaiser abdicated.
Then one monarchy fell after another. Zionism, boasting of being a democracy, was having its own little game of ninepins. The War ended when the Zionists gave the word to bring it to a finish. General Foch did not know what was happening when ordered to halt, but he halted. He did not go to Berlin because, in America and England, Zionists and pro-German non-Zionists had come to an understanding. The former had won a tremendous political victory, but they needed money —plenty of it—and Jewish American wealth ray in the non-Zionist lap. So a compromise was effected, and both elements strongly represented at the Peace Conference, which was so essentially theirs.
So the Treaty of Versailles Was drawn up, the appointment of Mandates decided upon, and, among other things, the Arabs were despoiled of their own lands so that Great Britain and Zionists Allied Powers should fulfill the promises given to the Zionists
A few individual and collective efforts both in England and America were made by deluded people who persisted in believing that the British Government was still British, and requested justice for the Arabs. They failed, of course, although they did manage temporarily to hold up the settlement of the Palestine question. British statesmen were tools. Israel Cohen made it very evident, in an article in the " Maccabean." Zionist monthly, June 1920. Lloyd George, Arthur Balfour, are shown as mere pawns in the game. No means, of course were left untried to bring pressure to bear both upon Lloyd George and the Peace Conference in general. . . . Resolutions demanding a British Mandate (over Palestine) poured upon Mr. Lloyd George and his Secretaries from all corners of the earth, not only from Zionist associations, but also from an Organised group of Members Of Parliament and from the leaders of the British Labour Party. The telegraph operators even complained that the Jewish messages blocked the line. The result has been a triumph, great and historic, for the zealous and systematic labours of Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow aided so wisely and effectively by Mr. Justice Brandeis."
" In Germany, the value of the bargain to the Allies was duly noted . . . Ludendorff is reported to have said, shortly after the War, that " the Balfour Declaration was the cleverest thing done by the Allies in the way of propaganda " and that he wished Germany had thought of it first"(8)
Since the proclamation Of the Balfour Declaration in 1917, the anti-Zionist element among the Jews has practically died out. Many Jews had previously feared that the principle of Jewish nationality would embarrass their position as nationals of the various States in which they reside. it was found in practice, however, that non-Jews meekly accepted the idea of dual-nationality except" Germany. There, the reaction of a people, terrorised by Jewish BoIshevism and ruined by a Jewish inflation of the currency, put Hitler in power, and the Jews’ status in Germany is now that of a " guest " nation.
Louis Marshall’s threat to non-Zionists may also have contributed to Jewish acceptance of Zionism. In a letter to Max Senior in 1918 he wrote :
‘’The Balfour Declaration, with its acceptance by the Powers, is an act of the highest diplomacy. It means both more and less than appears on the surface. Zionism is but an incident of a far-reaching plan; it is merely a convenient peg on which to hang a powerful weapon.
" All the protests they (non-Zionists) may make would be futile. It would subject them individually to hateful and concrete examples of a most impressive nature. Even if I were disposed to combat Zionism I would shrink from possibilities which might result."